姚祺(Qi Yao)
政治學報；67期 (06/01/2019) P51 - 86
關鍵字：東亞民主化, 宗教團體, 政治涉入 , Democratization in East Asia, Religious Organizations, Political Involvement
中文摘要
在威權時期和民主鞏固的過程中，宗教團體會扮演何種角色，這一問題為不少學者研究探討。從教義教規、組織方式和實際行動等角度，學者們對宗教團體在不同國家威權時期和民主鞏固過程中的作用做了分析。然而，究竟是什麼原因讓宗教團體在民主化過程中採取了支持或者反對的態度呢？為什麼同一種或者相似宗教在不同地區中會扮演全然不同的角色，而不同的宗教團體又會採用一些相似策略呢？本文試圖通過比較在臺灣和南韓幾個宗教團體的不同表現，探索宗教團體從威權到民主鞏固時期政治涉入方式的成因。本文通過比較在不同區域中相似的宗教團體的政治涉入，在排除了區域內部特有因素的影響後，發現威權政府針對宗教團體採取不同的政策並不能直接導致宗教團體會採取特定的介入模式。本文認為，在威權時期，宗教團體的政治涉入受到政府宗教政策措施、宗教政治神學，以及結盟策略的共同影響。在民主時期，宗教團體與政治的關係也從被動回應轉化為一種主動的涉入，其決定因素則主要在於團體對自身利益的考量。
英文摘要：
The question of which roles religions have played in authoritarian and democratic consolidation periods has been studied by huge amounts of scholars. They have analyzed how religious organizations have worked during the period of authoritarianism and democratic consolidation in different countries or regions with the perspective of doctrine, ecclesiastical institutions, or practice. Which factors have push religion to select supportive or antagonistic attitude toward democratization? Why one religion or some similar religions have different attitudes toward democratization while different religions have taken similar strategies? This paper tries to explore why religions have had different types of involvement from authoritarian to democratic consolidation periods through the comparative cases study from Taiwan and South Korea. Avoiding the influence of local elements by comparing similar religious groups from different areas, this paper finds that different policies the authoritarian governments implementing against different religious organizations will not make religious organizations take specific involvement methods. This paper argues that religious groups decide their political involvement models based on the religious policies and measures the government taking, the political theology and the cooperation strategy the religious adopting during authoritarian period. In the period of democratic consolidation, because religious organizations are not limited or intervened by governments, their relationship with politics will be converted from passive response into active action.
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張文揚(Wen-yang Chan), 詹捷翔(Chieh-hsiang Chan) , 平思寧(Szu-Ning Ping)
政治學報；67期 (06/01/2019) P1 - 50
關鍵字：民主, 自然資源詛咒 , 經濟發展 , 大樣本研究 , 最大相似法, Democracy , Natural Resource Curse, Economic Development, Large-N Studies , Most Similar Method
中文摘要
近年來，儘管是否自然資源不利經濟發展的「（自然）資源詛咒」理論受到注意，但是學界對於自然資源是否能夠促進或是阻礙國家經濟發展之間的關係並沒有定論。本文認為，資源詛咒對經濟發展的影響是條件性的：條件於國家的政治體制之上。自然資源對國家經濟發展的不利影響，可以被民主政體抵銷，這是因為民主政體傾向分配公共財、有較好的治理能力以及維持，或是進行多樣化經濟體制的可能性。這些特徵因此可以避免國家在發展過程中依賴自然資源時蒙受其害。本文先後以「時間序列橫斷面」方法檢視1960～2016年之間國家的經濟表現；並以「最大相似法」比較兩個撒哈拉以南非洲國家－迦納與喀麥隆之後確認了上述的說法。本文的結果對於相關理論與政策發展都有其意涵。
英文摘要：
In recent years, though the ＂(natural) resource curse＂ thesis-natural resources have negative impact on economic development-becomes popular, the consensus about whether natural resources promote or dampen economic development does not exist among scholars. This paper argues that the effects of natural resources on economic development is conditional upon political systems. The negative influences of natural resources on development can be offset by democracy, because democratic regimes tend to distribute public goods, have better quality of governance and higher possibility of diversifying the economic system. These characteristics enable the states to avoid the curse brought by natural resources in the development process. This paper gains empirical support by firstly applying the ＂time-series cross-sectional method＂ to examine all states' economic performance over the 1960-2016 period, and then by comparing two sub-Saharan African states, Ghana and Cameroon, through ＂the most similar method＂ design. This paper has both academic and policy implications.
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王金壽(Chin-Shou Wang)
政治學報；67期 (06/01/2019) P121 - 151
關鍵字：法院組織法 , 政治菁英, 保險理論 , 策略施壓理論, 檢察獨立, Court Organization Act, Politic Elites, Insurance Theory , Strategic Pressure Theory , Prosecutorial Independence
中文摘要
2006年臺灣的《法院組織法》，主要在檢察官改革協會、民間司法改革基金會等團體推動下，獲得重大改變。這次修法帶來了檢察體系幾個重大改革成果。首先，檢察總長的任命方式，改為總統提名、經國會通過之後任命，並且得到四年任期的保障。其次，檢察官人事審議委員會，取得合法性地位；同時檢審會委員的組成方式，「民選」檢審委員改為九位（檢察官選），超過「官派」委員的八位（法務部長與檢察總長任命）。第三，中央特別偵查處的成立。這些修法最大的效果，在於增加了檢察體制的獨立性，同時使得檢察體系內部的權力擴增。本文挑戰司法獨立的主流理論保險理論和與它對話的策略施壓理論。依照保險理論，無法理解此一變革，其強調即將下臺但有遠見的政治人物，主動放棄對司法控制的權力；而策略施壓理論則是預期執政黨會控制、動員司法來介入選舉。但在臺灣發生的此一個案，卻是改革團體先獲得國民黨的支持之後，再尋求民進黨支持。以政治人物的角度去思考司法獨立問題，是本文的出發點。本論文將論證，在臺灣政治人物只注重當下的政治利益，以及政治局勢的高度不穩定，使得被預期即將上臺執政的國民黨支持此任命方式的改變。而對於民進黨而言，即使將因為任命方式的改變而喪失部分權力，但仍然控制提名權，在這些條件結合下，臺灣《法院組織法》的修正才有可能發生。
英文摘要：
This paper is to study the development of Taiwan's prosecutorial independence which made a great progress in the revision of the Court Organization Act in 2006, examining the insurance theory and its critique, strategic pressure theory. These two theories had made a very different point on whether political competition promotes judicial independence. Insurance theory suggests that political competition makes the political elites promote the judicial independence as political insurance. Strategic pressure theory argues that competition will push political elites try to control the judiciary against the opponents and avoid the risk of losing power. However, judicial independence can not be seen as a static change, but a dynamic process of continuous change, and it inevitably connects with the political environments. We argue that because of political elites' short-term interest calculation and political uncertainty, they accepted a more independent and powerful prosecutorial system.
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林育瑾(Yu-Ching Lin)
政治學報；67期 (06/01/2019) P87 - 119
關鍵字：私, 人倫, 人欲 , 本心, 犯意, Selfishness, Human Ethics , Human Desire, Original Intention , Criminal Intention
中文摘要
「孝」與「法」在維護公、私領域之秩序上孰輕孰重，一直是爭辯中的議題。孔孟在「父子相隱」、「舜父殺人」和「三年之喪」三則文字中對「孝」的推崇，更將論戰推向高峰。批評者認為法重於孝，孔孟乃徇情枉法、以私害公。維護方認為親情至上，故孝的位階高於法。正反雙方壁壘分明、相互訐難。本文則於當前論者以「二分法」爭辯孝和法之外，從析論「人倫之私」與「人欲之私」起始，以孔孟思想中「天性」、「人倫」、「人欲」、「惻隱」、「本心」，及諸如「犯意」和「犯行」等概念立論，重新檢視荀子、司馬光、蘇轍、蘇軾、朱熹等東亞各儒者和近代學者之論，並進一步以孔孟孝悌倫理思想之立論，論證孔孟並不「以私害公」。
英文摘要：
Importance of filial piety and law to maintain order in public and private fields has been the issue debated. Praise of Confucius and Mencius for filial piety in three pieces ＂Mutual concealing crimes between father and son,＂ ＂Shun's father murder,＂ and ＂Three years of mourning＂ resulted in the peak of the debate. The critique argued that law was more important than filial piety. Confucius and Mencius favored private affection and neglected the laws. They allowed private to destruct public. Those who supported Confucius and Mencius stated that family love was the priority and filial piety was superior to law. Two sides were sharply opposed and criticized each other. This study beyond the contemporary debate of filial piety and law by ＂dichotomy,＂ starts from the analysis on ＂private of human ethic＂ and ＂private of human desire＂ and sets the arguments to review statements of Confucian scholars in East Asia and contemporary scholars such as Xun Kuang, Sima Guang, Su Zhe, Su Shi, and Zhu Xi by ＂human nature,＂ ＂human ethics,＂ ＂human desire,＂ ＂sympathy,＂ ＂original intention,＂ ＂criminal intention,＂ and ＂criminal offense＂ in thoughts of Confucius and Mencius and further demonstrate that Confucius and Mencius do not ＂destruct public by private＂ by the arguments of their thought of filial piety and ethics.
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