施奕任(Yi-Jen Shih)
政治學報；52期 (12/01/2011) P65 – 99
關鍵字：政黨體系, 單一選區 , 集選區, 選舉制度, 選舉政治 , electoral politics, electoral systems, group representation constituencies, party systems , single member district
中文摘要
本文透過新加坡選舉局選舉結果資料庫的實證資料，分析1988～2011年新加坡國會選制設計及其政治效應，特別是比例性偏差的問題。從選票結構層面來看，新加坡還制呈現三種特徵。一、單選區相對多數決具有贏者全拿的特性，造成行動黨1980年代以來平均獲得六成得票率，卻壟斷國會多數席次；二、單選區相對多數決在選舉過程中造成多數選區形成兩黨競爭的局面，除了行動黨同額自動當選選區，1988年以來僅有14個三黨以上競爭選區，不僅比重偏低且參選的第三黨或候選人多產生被邊緣化的結果；三、多數兩黨競爭選區反對黨策略性彼此錯開，各自選擇不同選區與行動黨對峙，避免同選區過多反對黨參選稀釋票源，鷸蚌相爭反而增加行動黨當選機會。從選區規模層面來看，新加坡在1988年以後採行單選區與集選區混合選制，並產生三項效應。一、集選區制度擴大贏者全拿的政治效應，更加容易造成政黨國會席次差距；二、反對黨受限於政黨實力，還區規模擴大而難以提出足額候選人參選；三、反對黨在部分選區缺席，除了使得行動黨自動當選，該選區選民形同被剝奪選舉權，被剝奪選舉權的選民數不斷成長，直到2011年因為選區規模縮小及反對黨改變選戰策略才有明顯降低。
英文摘要：
This paper analyzes Singapore Elections Department's parliamentary elections results to discuss Singapore electoral system and its political effects from 1988 to 2011. The political system of Singapore under the People's Action Party (PAP) has been one-party-domination after independence. Although some opposition politicians won seats in general elections since 1984, the PAP has maintained an absolute majority in the Parliament until now. Previous studies suggest that PAP's overwhelming victories in general elections are resulted from their campaign strategies, including the enactments of Internal Security Act, filings of defamation lawsuits, designing of serial number on ballot paper and the control of the mass media. However, from the perspective of campaign strategy, the disproportionality of turnout rate in general elections and parliament seats can not be explained effectively.Therefore, this paper emphasizes on electoral system instead of campaign strategies to explain the seats distribution in Singapore Parliament. On the aspect of the ballot structure, Singapore's electoral system causes three important effects. First, The single member plurality system, given its winner-take-all characteristic, allows PAP to dominate Singapore Parliament. Second, except some uncontested divisions, two parties campaign in most electoral divisions. Furthermore, different opposition parties would choice their electoral divisions respectively to challenge PAP's candidates.On the aspect of the electoral district size, the mixed electoral system of SMDs and group representation constituencies (GRC) cause three political effects. First, GRC system expands the influence of winner-take-all and aggravates the disproportionality in Parliament. Second, most of opposition parties were lack of qualified candidates to compete with PAP in GRCs. Third, because of the absence of opposition parties, the increasing number uncontested divisions reflects that voters in these divisions are deprived of their fundamental right to vote.
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李玫憲(Mei-Hsien Lee) ； 洪銘德(Ming-Te Hung)
政治學報；52期 (12/01/2011) P1 – 28
關鍵字：柔性強權, 氣候治理, 氣候難民, 氣候變遷, 歐洲聯盟, civilian power , climate change, climate governance , climate refugee, European Union
中文摘要
本文為歐盟氣候變遷政策之研究，這在透過氣候難民問題的討論，檢視當前歐盟氣候治理策略的發展與挑戰。文章圍繞歐盟「柔性強權」的規範性角色而發，探討歐盟如何在多邊主義與人類安全等核心價值下，賡續推動全球氣候治理策略，以應對極端氣候事件所造成的難民問題。首先，本文將闡述國際上關於氣候變遷的作法；其次，說明氣候難民問題的形成背景，及其所衍生出之安全意涵；再次，文章嘗試彙整學術研究與相關政策實踐，系統地呈現歐盟氣候治理策略的發展脈絡，及其因應氣候難民問題之立場與對策；最後，本文擬以氣候難民問題檢視歐盟氣候治理策略之成效，進一步分析政策取捨可能衍生之利弊得失，以及對其「柔性強權」角色之潛在影響。
英文摘要：
This article is a study on the European Union's policy on climate change, which aims at examining the development and challenge for EU strategy through a discussion of the issue of climate refugee. Based on the EU's normative role as ”civilian power,” the authors look into how the EU continues to push forward global climate change governance strategy in response to the climate refugee problem, based on the values of multilateralism and human security. First, this article discusses the international community's general response towards climate change and the background of the climate refugee issue and its security implications. Then this article seeks to combine theory and policy by systematically showing the development history of the EU's governance strategy and its policy stance and response towards the climate refugee problem. This article seeks to evaluate the result of the EU's governance strategy and analyze the benefits and losses of various policies and the underlying influences on the EU's role as civilian power.
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游智偉(Chih-Wei Yu)
政治學報；52期 (12/01/2011) P29 – 64
關鍵字：中國大陸核裁軍政策 , 國際防擴散建制, 國際社會化 , 調適學習 , adaptation learning , China's nuclear disarmament policy , international socialization, non-proliferation regimes
中文摘要
本文試圖透過以調過適中心的學習與國際社會化概念解釋為何中國大陸對類似建制的參與態度變化並不是源於國際社會化，而是源於因勢制宜的學習概念，本文的研究成果有三：其一，在參與全面禁止核試爆條約談判的同時，中國大陸核武試爆的頻率也增加，而即使在制定出口管制規定後，中國大陸部分國營企業也持續出口管制品，故中國大陸並未接受國際核裁軍或防擴散建制蘊含的價值觀；其二，在北京其備一定嚇阻能力後，核武擴散不利維持其嚇阻能力，故對北京來說，參與建制帶來的利益大於不參與的利益，此為促使中國大陸參與的動力；其三，從中國大陸對國際防擴散建制與伊朗的態度來說，北京參與政策的變化更可能起源於其對不同時期的世界局勢與安全威脅的認知，故其在全球層次遵守建制，但卻在區域層次繼續違規出口管制品。
英文摘要：
In this essay, based on the differences between international socialization and adaptation learning, I try to explain why China's participating policy towards international nuclear disarmament regimes is not stemmed from international socialization, but learning process. The achievements of this essay are as below: firstly, when China negotiated on CTBT, China has also increased its nuclear tests, and even after the regulation of exports and imports has been set up, partial state owned enterprises have still continued to export the restricted goods; according to those two evidences, China does not accept the value behind international nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regimes. Secondly, since the proliferation of nuclear weapon is harmful to the capability of deterrence, for China, after obtaining certain capability, the interests caused by participating in those regimes are better than non-participation so that is China's motive to participate in. Finally, according to China's policy towards international non-proliferation and Iran, the reason why China's policy has been changed may be their different perception of world circumstances and threats in different periods and levels; therefore, China has obey the regime in global level but continue to disobey the regulations in regional level.
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陳德昇(Te-Sheng Chen)
政治學報；52期 (12/01/2011) P101 – 139
關鍵字：台 , 韓 , 日商 , 全球生產網絡, 制度創新, 發展型國家, 跨域治理, cross-border governance, developmental state, global production network, institution innovation, Taiwan , Korean and Japanese businessmen
中文摘要
在經濟全球化背景下，外商投資的群眾成因及其所衍生之投資環境治理、體制創新、國際接軌，皆與地方政府跨域治理之運作相關。在投資行為運作過程中，除需考量區位選擇、經貿環境與規範、全球生產網絡連結與產業競爭力維持外，且涉及與地方政府互動、對話及折衝，期能提升生產績效，進而實現獲利之目標。本文主要研究焦點議題包括：（一）中國大陸外資吸引之不同階段，台、韓、日商在中國大陸的投資區位選擇，以及參與跨域治理過程的影響與回應；（二）不同區位發展與外商跨域治理，對體制創新與國際接軌之影響；（三）台、韓、日商「協會」之平台角色與中介組織之互動治理關係；（四）跨域治理與社會資本有關信任建構運作與效應；（五）跨域治理結構穩定性與否，與資本及產業流動之關聯性。基本上，在中共威權政治體制下，外資吸引績效彰顯，但蘇州昆山、青島城陽與大連金州跨域治理之運作，與西方民主社會下多元參與及互動仍有本質性之差異。中國大陸地方政府的運作，更多體現在經濟現實需要與外資運作的功能性考量。在現階段中共政權體制下，跨域治理既有特殊性、功能性與階段性之特質，並有廣度與深度的差異性與限制性。
英文摘要：
This article is a comparative study of Taiwanese, Japanese and Korean business investments in China within the conceptual framework of cross-border investment and governance. In the era of globalization, Taiwanese, Japanese and Korean business investments in Kunshan, Dalian and Chengyang in China aim to link up with global production networks. The driving forces of investment include lowering costs, creating a better investment environment, building up mutual trust and institutionalizing the process of exporting from these areas through negotiations with local governments. In general, if local governments are capable of cross-border governance with foreign investors, this will improve performance and help stabilize business ventures during periods of international economic challenges.This study attempts to answer the following two questions: 1)What are the types, interactions and contents of cross-border governance and participation during different periods of FDI influx in Kunshan, Chengyang and Jinzhou? 2)In different regions of economic development in China, what are the interaction of and impact on institutional innovation and international synchronization in operations involving cross-border governance? This article finds that the experiences of Kunshan, Chenyung and Jinzhou and their interaction with the local governments do not align with the concept of cross-border governance in Western democratic society. Evidence in this article also indicates that China's local governments remain authoritarian and short-sightedly utilitarian. Likewise, the adaptation in governance is only limited to the economy, market, and compliance with international rules.
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