王信賢(Hsin-Hsien Wang)
政治學報；49期 (06/01/2010) P1 – 39
關鍵字：公民社會, 國家社會關係, 跨國倡議網絡 , 環保組織, 環境治理, civil society, environmental governance , environmental NGO , state-society relationship , transnational advocacy network
中文摘要
中國大陸歷經三十年的經濟改革與現代化建設，除了快速的經濟成長外，也為社會變遷提供了絕佳的機會。伴隨這些變遷而出現的是各種新的制度安排與國家社會關係的轉變。近年來，大量社會組織的出現引發學術界高度的重視，諸多社會研究者相信公民社會的出現與否，與一個國家能否成功邁向開放、多元與競爭性政治體系有關。而觀諸中國大陸社會組織的發展，當屬環保組織最為活躍，甚至逐漸其有政策影響力。因此，本文將以中國大陸環保組織的發展為例，試圖回答以下問題：何種國內與國際因素將導致中國大陸社會力量的出現？我們該如何理解環保組織的興起，以及其所帶來的「國家－社會」關餘的轉變？社會變遷與國際倡議網絡的影響是否將使中國大陸出現新的環境治理機制？比分析將有助於解釋中國大陸經濟社會變遷、全球化力量及黨國體制的共存，並理解當代中國「國家－社會」關係。
英文摘要：
China's drive toward reform and modernization in the past 30 years has not only led to rapid economic growth but also created new opportunities for social changes. The desired result of all these changes is the emergence of a new set of institutional arrangements. The dramatic changes and significant consequences stirred by the development of social organizations have drawn much attention to the subject. Social scientists believe that a country's progression toward a more open, pluralistic and competitive political system is dependent on whether the country allows a civil society to emerge. Environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) have carved out a field of existence in China's changing social terrain. Furthermore, ENGOs are becoming increasing visible players in China's environmental policies. At this point, these empirical observations raise important issues: What are the domestic and international causes for the emergence of social forces in China? how can we best understand the rise of ENGOs and the resulting state-society relationship in China? Do these sorts of dynamic social changes and transnational advocacy network indicate that new Environmental governance mechanism is indeed emerging in China? The line of analysis will seek to explain how socio-economic changes and international forces co-exist with the continued dominance of the party-state and understand the ”state-society relationship” in contemporary China.
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蔡昌言(Chang-Yen Tsai)
政治學報；49期 (06/01/2010) P41 – 69
關鍵字：分量迴歸, 民主化程度, 東亞 , 施政滿意度, 貪腐程度, degree of corruption , degree of democracy , East Asia , quantile regression , satisfaction degree
中文摘要
行政首長的施政滿意度是現代民主國家重要的意見回饋機制，不但攸關行政首長連任的勝算，同時也影響政策推動是否順利，在美國學界早已引起相當廣泛的研究，但此研究領域在國內尚在起步階段。本文嘗試以分量迴歸模型分析東亞民主化調查的資料，來檢驗可能影響東亞各國施政滿意度的因素。本文研究發現，民主化程度、經濟環境、個人條件等因素均會對施政滿意度的起伏造成影響，且在分量迴歸的分析之下，本文發現對行政首長執政滿意度有負面影響的貪腐程度評價，主要發生在對行政首長的執政較不滿意的民眾身上，而當民眾對於行政首長的滿意度轉為較認同時，影響滿意度的主要因素則轉變為具有正面影響的經濟環境與行政信任評價因素。
英文摘要：
Public satisfaction with the administrative heads is an important feedback mechanism in a modern democratic country, not only for winning the reelections, but also for smoothing the public policy implementation. It has been widely researched academically in the United States, but is still in its early stage in Taiwan. This study aims to analyze data of East Asian democracy by using a quantile regression model and to examine any possible factors that may affect public opinion polls in East Asian countries.This study finds that factors such as the degree of democracy, economic environments and personal attributes can affect the fluctuation of public satisfaction towards public policy implementation. Under the analysis of the quantile regression, this study finds that the degree to which corruption is perceived can negatively impact public satisfaction with the administrative heads when the public is not satisfied with the performance of these administrative heads. However, when the public is content with these administrative heads' performance, the factors that affect public satisfaction are changed to economic environments and administrative trust that can positively impact public satisfaction with the performance of these administrative heads.
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何思慎(Szu-Shen Ho) ； 陳舜仁(Shun-Jen Chen)
政治學報；49期 (06/01/2010) P71 – 104
關鍵字：日本安全戰略, 美日中關係, 美日同盟, 美日關係, 駐日美軍整編, Japans' security strategy , U.S. forces in Japan, U.S.-Japan alliance , U.S.-Japan-Chinese relations , U.S.-Japanese relations
中文摘要
因應冷戰後及全球反恐戰爭，美國進行全球軍力整編，並因而調整在日本的駐軍與部署，同時在「美日同盟」的架構下，與日本進行角色及功能的分工。本文首先回顧「美日同盟」過去之功能角色，其後藉由下列三層次－東亞區域環境、日本國內政治及日本領導人意志－分析日本後小泉時代的日本東亞安全戰略調整走向、未來日本所扮演的安全角色，以及「美日同盟」之變化層次與未來的功能。
英文摘要：
To response to the end of Cold War and global anti-terrorist war, U.S. implements global military realignment; therefore, U.S. realigns its forces in Japan under the U.S.-Japan alliance framework. This paper starts with the review of roles and functions of the alliance in the past. Later, it analyzes Japan's future security strategies in the post-Koizumi era through three system layers: security environment of East Asia, Japan's domestic politics, and Japanese leaders' intentions. Finally, it explores Japan's security roles and U.S.-Japan alliance's functions and its changes in the future.
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曾怡仁(Yi-Ren Dzen)
政治學報；49期 (06/01/2010) P105 – 133
關鍵字：政治經濟學 , 英國學派, 國家自主性 , 國際政治經濟學, 國際關係 , British School , International Political Economy , international relations , Political Economy , state autonomy
中文摘要
國際政治經濟學自1970年代發展以來，已歷經近40年的時間，然而，該新興學科的研究對象與研究方法仍未取得共識。毫無疑問，國際政治經濟學與政治經濟學的關係密切，但要釐清兩者如何相關卻不容易。政治經濟學本身就是一門非常龐雜的學科，基本上可以將其分為三大類，即古典、新古典與馬克思主義政治經濟學，而這三者分別有對應的國際政治經濟學發展，形成不同的理論與學派。本文的研究目的在於說明：三大類政治經濟學的主要內涵與研究方法、國際政治經濟學如何借用政治經濟學的研究成果、國際政治經濟學的英國學派與美國學派對於政治經濟學的沿用差異，以及國際政治經濟學的未來發展等。
英文摘要：
Since 1970s, the International Political Economy has developed for forty years. However, there has not been consensus in this new discipline about its studying subject and research methodology. Doubtlessly, the International Political Economy is c10sely related to the Political Economy. The main purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between these two disciplines. The author will analyze how the concept and argument of Classical, Neo-classical and Marxist Political Economy have been applied to the study of International Political Economy. The author also will compare the International Political Economy research of American School with that of British School. Finally, this article will argue that the legacy of Classical Political Economy is useful for the further development of International Political Economy.
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