寇健文(Chien-Wen Kou) 、 鄭兆祐(Chao-Yo Cheng)
政治學報；42期 (12/01/2006) P37 – 78
關鍵字：中共, 版面語言, 菁英政治 , 黨報 , 黨性原則, China , elite politics , party-owned newspapers, the principle of Party spirit , newspaper layouts
中文摘要
在外界不易及時獲得全面、正確的訊息的情形下，外界如何運用黨報發布出來的訊息，了解中共菁英政治的變化呢？本文認為，由於黨報必須遵循「黨性原則」，和中央的路線、方針、政策保持一致，因此它們的新聞報導和版面分配會傳達濃厚的政治訊息－領導人黨內地位的變化。本文採取內容分析法，分析《人民日報》與《解放軍報》兩報在1978年真理標準論戰、1989年天安門事件、1992年鄧小平南巡三次事件中的版面變化，證實領導人權力消長與他們在版面位置好壞、出現頻率高低之間的高度相關。這顯示黨報的版面語言隱藏寶貴線索，提供分析中共高層菁英互動的另一條管道。
英文摘要：
How can researchers understand the interactions among Chinese leaders by using information obtained from party-owned newspapers? This paper claims that the layouts of these newspapers instantaneously reveal crucial information regarding the change in a leader's political strength at various stages of a power struggle. In China, party-owned newspapers must obey ”the principle of Party spirit” - by following the Party's leadership without reservation and holding fast to the Party's political line and policy position. Due to this principle, the layouts of party-owned newspapers reflect the changes in power relations among Party leaders. This argument is supported by an empirical analysis of the page layouts of the People's Daily and People's Liberation Army Daily during three political battles within the Chinese leadership - the debate over ”practice is the sole criterion for testing truth” in 1978, the Tian'anmen incident of 1989, and Deng's south China tour in 1992.
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沈有忠(Yu-Chung Shen)
政治學報；42期 (12/01/2006) P189 – 219
關鍵字：人事任命權, 半總統制, 信任機制, 解散國會, confidence voting , dissolution power , nominating and appointing , semi-presidentialism
中文摘要
對於半總統制的研究而言，憲政運作係由總統、行政首長與國會三者之間的相互關係而決定。在一般情況下，總統與國會基於直選的原則產生，但行政首長的任命則因為不同的憲政設計而存在操作的空間，特別是當總統所屬政黨與國會中的多數黨（或聯盟）出現不一致的情況時，更因為雙方不同的利益計算而有不同的操作邏輯。本文討論行政首長任命的制度制約過程，以及總統與國會在任命行政首長上一個理性結構的分析。在制度制約方面，任命的過程必須考量三個不同的制度層面，分別是總理的人事任命權、信任機制相關設計，以及總統解散國會的部分。這三個規範性制度因素將直接影響總統任命行政首長的不同考量。除此之外，國會選舉制度、總統與國會的選舉時程等，甚至也將扮演間接影響的制度性因素。在任命行政首長時，當總統所屬政黨與國會多數黨（或聯盟）不一致時，對於行政首長的任命更具有相互衝突的利益計算。在制度的框架下，提供了各種可供選擇的策略與任命後對兩造極為不同的報酬。對於此，透過結構的理性分析可以理解最後均衡之所在。最後，本文將以台灣為例，討論1997年以後在半總統制的相關制度設計下，歷屆行政院長任命的過程與結果。
英文摘要：
The working type of semi-presidentialism is decided by the interactions between the president, the prime minister, and Parliament. The president and Parliament are directly elected by all citizens, but the prime minister is appointed by the president. While institutions constrain the choice of the president and Parliament, they also lead to different kinds of possibilities under various kinds of institutions, in particular when the president and the parliamentary majority do not belong to the same political party (an incongruent system). This paper discusses the process of appointing the prime minister under the institution's regulations using game theory. From the point of view of institutions, there are three key points that need to be observed. They are the power to nominate and appoint, confidence voting, and the power of dissolution. The president and Parliament have different strategies under the different kinds of institutions. This paper tries to explain the equilibrium in the appointment game, and takes Taiwan as an example.
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湯京平(Ching-Ping Tang) 、 呂季蓉(Chi-Jung Lu)
政治學報；42期 (12/01/2006) P1 – 35
關鍵字：六輕, 地方分權, 濕地保育, decentralization , The Sixth Naphtha Cracker Plant, wetland conservation
中文摘要
近年來全球保育運動強調在地化的治理，認為保育工作唯有切質地結合了地方民眾的願望與利益，才能達到永續治理的目標。然而越接近政治體系基層的治理機制，越強調與生活息息相關的實質利益，高度理想性的濕地保育工作如何可能在貧困的地區落實，是在理論面與質務面同樣引人好奇的問題。台灣的濕地經歷多年有系統的破壞，近年在環保的倡議下，保護區陸續成立，開發步調似已趨緩。但令人好奇的是，像鳥會這類政治性格不強、地方淵源不深的環保團體，如何擋下涉及龐大利益的濕地開發案？從嘉義鰲鼓濕地的開發演變歷程，本研究觀察生態保育與地方經濟，如何可能從零合的衝突情境，轉變成正合情境下的協調發展。此間，研究發現環保團體的倡議功能與上級政府的把關工作固然重要，但地方傳統派系政治的利益如何能與保育的利益結合，讓地方政府朝保育的方向做土地利用規劃，實扮演著關鍵的角色。
英文摘要：
Recent years have witnessed a great emphasis on grassroots efforts by global conservation movements. Advocates believe that conservation initiatives cannot be sustained unless they are integrated with a wide variety of local interests and thus gain local support. Nevertheless, given the fact that lower levels of governing systems usually pay more attention to real-life problem solving, how can ideology-driven movements such as ecological conservation survive in poorer rural areas? This paper examines the development history of the Aogu Wetland to understand how the environmental groups have succeeded in preserving a famous wetland in Taiwan. The case indicates that factional politics are not as detrimental to wetland conservation as many people might have expected. Although the conservation groups were still weak at the initial stage, they could have still been very effective in advocating their appeal by utilizing the conflicts of interest between major political factions in the locality.
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張執中(Chih-Chung Chang)
政治學報；42期 (12/01/2006) P79 – 124
關鍵字：民主集中制 , 程序民主, 群眾路線 , 選舉法, Electoral Law, mass line, resident nominating, self-nominating
中文摘要
本文針對中國大陸1978年憲法重新確定普選原則後，於1979年7月公布，1980年元月施行的《全國人大和地方人大選舉法》和《地方人大和政府組織法》，並於1982、1986、1995及2004年對兩法進行四次修正。從「歷史制度主義」途徑分析制度環境、制度抉擇和制度影響，並從程序民主的指標觀察中國大陸選舉制度如何反映與擴大執政者權力的分配模式，以及公民所能商議試探的空間。研究發現，由於選舉對中共而言存在體現「選民意志」與「代表結構」的雙重任務，因此一方面利用選舉制度長期存在的高度彈性與不確定性（如醞釀協商、選區劃分），進行組織的運作及干預，以實現政策目標，使選舉過程不可避免存在「黨組織在場」的問題，同時也維繫了「黨的領導」角色。但另一方面，四次選舉法的修正也可看出執政者不斷藉由改進選舉程序使直接選舉更能符合公平、公開與競爭性，可是路徑依賴的結果也讓選舉實踐所呈現的就是政策與法律精神的矛盾，使得這種「中國特色」的選舉制度，在原則上認同選舉的同時，卻在實踐中削弱了選舉的實際功能。不過，從當前農村與社區選舉的發展，以及人民從維權與利益的需求自主參選就可以看出中國大陸基層民主發展的強大生命力；但是從公民自主參選的過程艱鉅，以及資訊資源分配不均也說明了基層選舉的複雜性。因此未來中國大陸程序民主的發展就在於公民的參政需求、黨國組織目標，以及制度的合法機制三種力量間，各自發揮不同層次的作用。
英文摘要：
The purpose of this study is to examine the text and operation of the Electoral Law and Organizational Law of Mainland China since 1980, and as modified in 1982, 1986, 1995, and 2004. This study evaluates the practice of holding elections based on six criteria, namely, the election commission, the constituency, nominations, directness, freedom and fairness. Along with the enlargement of the Chinese citizen's political involvement, there are still some drawbacks resulting from the text itself. As evidenced by the manipulation and intervention still taking place within the process of People's Representatives being elected by the CCP and the government, democratic centralism is inevitably leading to a gap between precept and practice in relation to any political concept that has a normative content. On the other hand, we can find more candidates either nominated by residents or nominated during the representative election of the basic NPC than before. This indicates that the voter's awareness has been changing and awakening from that of an ordinary member of the public to that of a national citizen, which has universal meaning.
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陳文政(Wen-Cheng Chen)
政治學報；42期 (12/01/2006) P125 – 187
關鍵字：布希控高爾案, 平等保護條款, 安全防護條款 , 法律唯實主義 , 政治問題不審查原則, 黨派鞏固理論, Bush v. Gore, doctrine of political question , equal protection clause , legal realism , partisan entrenchment theory, safe harbor provision
中文摘要
緣因於2000年總統大選爭議之聯邦最高法院憲法判決「布希控高爾案」，從案件是否應該受理之「程序爭點」到實質判決之「實體爭點」，皆蘊含諸多政治意涵。本文旨在就上述「程序爭點」與「實體爭點」有關議題進行政治分析。結果發現，「布希控高爾案」5位多數意見大法官之決策，深受法律唯實主義及黨派考量之影響。換言之，由於布希案系爭法律與各項爭點皆有「法律判斷與政治判斷之間界線不明」現象，從而5位大法官乃依據自己的政治立場與價值偏好進行決策，然後再尋找自認為適當的法律論理，來加以合理化。
英文摘要：
The United States' Supreme Court decision, Bush ν. Gore, which resulted from the 2000 presidential election disputes, is full of political significance in its procedural and substantive issues. This paper sets out to analyze the above-mentioned issues in regard to this epochal decision from a political perspective, and the conclusion reached is that the judicial decision-making of the majority of the Court's justices was deeply affected by legal realism and partisan considerations. That is, because the boundaries between the legal judgments and political judgments in relation to the case were unclear, the Court's majority of five handed down the decision on the basis of their own political stances and personal values. The majority justices then rationalized after the decision was made based on their own appropriate legal reasoning.
全文下載：連結