李冠成(Kuan-Chen Lee)
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P115 – 152
關鍵字：大學生, 政治社群, 政治信任, 族群意識, ethnic awareness , political community, political trust , university students
中文摘要
民眾對於政治社群的支持是維繫民主政體穩定運作最根本的基礎，然而，政治社群不分你我的理念往往與族群互相衝突。在其他條件不變的情況下，社會內部的族群分歧程度愈高，團結一致的政治社群就愈不易形成。目前台灣社會族群關係的衝突大多環繞在因兩岸關係緊張及統獨立場的緊繃，對於國家認同相異的他族群，產生政治上的不信任感。事實上，隨著台灣首度政黨輪替之後政府施政效能不彰、319總統選舉爭議及政治貪腐事件頻傳，這股政治的不信任感不僅只存在於人民和政府之間，似乎也表現在族群與政府之間，以及族群與整體政治社群之間。因此，本文嘗試運用以政治大學學生為母群的調查訪問資料，探討族群意識與政治支持對於政治社群凝聚的影響。研究發現，大學生客觀的省籍背景並不會分散政治社群的凝聚力，但是主觀的族群認同仍舊會影響大學生的政治社群依附感；此外，大學生對於政治體系支持與否的態度，也會對政治社群依附感產生影響。認同台灣人且政治信任高的人，對於政治社群的凝聚力較強；而認同中國人且政治信任低者，則會弱化他們對於政治社群的依附感。藉由此項研究，本文主張，若要凝聚大學生對我國政治社群的依附，必須先克服族群間因自我認同而形成的藩籬；此外，建立廣泛的政治信任感也是鞏固政治社群的方法之一。
英文摘要：
How to make citizens feel parts of the political community seems to be the prerequisite for a political system to govern legitimately as well as to function effectively. However, the idea of political community is usually threatened by individuals' affiliation with ethnic groups. Everything being equal, the more diversity of ethnic cleavages exists within a society, the more obstacles for a society to form a cohesive political community. It is believed that the tension between ethnic groups in Taiwan results from the controversy of national identity issue. Furthermore, political scandals in Taiwan such as 319 gunshot incident and political corruptions not only deteriorated the performance of democratic governance, but also ignited political distrust among opposite groups leading to the problem of consolidation of political community. Thus, this study focuses on a sample from university students in Taiwan and investigates the relationship between the attachment to the political community and to ethnic groups. By using the feelings about national pride as an indicator of political community attachment, we find that the objective ethnicity of students is not associated with the extent to which people attach to the political community, but their subjective ethnic identities, as being Taiwanese or being Chinese, strongly affects feelings about national pride. Moreover, the result shows that students' political trust functions as an important intermediate factor between ethnic identities and community attachment. Therefore, one should notice that the attachment to political community is not only affected by ethnic awareness but political trust as well.
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湯京平(Ching-Ping Tang) ； 黃詩涵(Shin-Han Huang) ； 黃坤山(Kuen-Shan Huang)
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P1 – 31
關鍵字：委託人－代理人理論, 社區總體營造 , 集體行動 , 誘因排擠, 增效, collective action, community-building, incentive crowding-out , principal-agent theory , synergy
中文摘要
藉由社區營造集體行動而產生的基層自治，在台灣經過多年的經驗累積，已成果斐然。相同的基層力量在災難發生後也可能成為社區重建的主要力量，然而，累積的案例研究顯示，扶持社區發展的公共政策往往反而可能扼殺社區營造自發性行動。雖然外部資源的挹注是這類草根努力的存續要件，但公共政策即興的資源挹注，可能改變了既有的社會關係與行動者的誘因結構，導致維繫行動的要素被破壞，社區營造的集體行動反而難以維繫。本研究透過深度訪談，檢視台灣中部一個災後重建社區的個案，來展示政府政策如何可能造成誘因排擠（incentive crowding-out）的效果，而終結了可貴的草根集體行動。此一個案揭露了一個未受重視的理論命題，為災後重建的制度設計，提供重要的參考依據。
英文摘要：
Community governance can be considered as a collective action motivated by a variety of incentives, rather than a fiat relationship from public authority. While this form of grass-roots governance has been promoted in Taiwan since 1990s and many successful stories as well as valuable experiences have been accumulated in the past decades, an overall theory on factors contributing to successful governance is yet to be developed. This paper examines a famous community-building case after the Chi-Chi Earthquake to illustrate a complicate relationship among incentives for collective action in community building and governance. It indicates that material incentives might crowd out other nonmaterial incentives and thus destroy the collective action if poorly managed. The policy implication is that if the governments allocate abundant resources to targeted communities without helping them setting up fair distribution institutions, earlier success in collective action of these communities might be destroyed rather than nourished.
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詹康(Kang Chan)
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P33 – 75
關鍵字：中國政治哲學, 法家 , Chinese political philosophy, Legalism
中文摘要
韓非揭發了許多官員行姦之術，也發明了許多君主制臣之術，曾有學者認為韓非無法盡臣無姦，但沒有人做過詳細論證，本文是第一篇全面檢討君術有效性的研究。本文從循名責實術、聽言問對術、不測術、伺姦決誠術、制馭權貴術等五大類來檢討，每一大類都儘量從韓非的言論中歸納出弱點或可規避的途徑。筆者發現，只有兩種術完全操之在君主，因此保證有效，但其效用甚微，而絕大多數的術則不能保證有效。此外，事前的政策評估與君主的領導責任十分重要，但由於與韓非所提倡的術相互矛盾，所以未受其重視。韓非除了教君主用術以制臣，也會教臣用術以行姦，因此其對君術的論述，是從建構而解構，在此論述過程中托出了政治權謀的真相。
英文摘要：
Han Fei unveils lots of ways (methods) through which ministers do evils and propose many methods for princes to counter ministerial evils. One scholar had suggested that Han Fei could not prevent ministers from doing evils, but there has been no study arguing for the case. This is the first thorough survey of the (in) effectiveness of methods recommended to princes.Five categories of the methods of princes receive comprehensive scrutiny here: matching name and reality, listening and questioning, fathomlessness, detecting conspiracies, and harnessing the powerful. Weaknesses and ways to get around in each category, mostly drawn from Han Fei's text, are spelled out. In conclusion, none but two methods are fully in the command of princes and thus guaranteed to succeed, yet their success is of minor effect. In addition, despite their importance, two methods-policy assessment and of leadership-are deemphasized by Han Fei because they are not compatible with his favorite methods.Han Fei teaches ministers to do evils as well as princes to prevent ministerial evils. His discourse on the methods employed by princes is a process from construction to deconstruction through which maneuvers between the prince and the ministers are staged.
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陳欣之(Hsin-Chin Chen)
政治學報；48期 (12/01/2009) P77 – 113
關鍵字：非國家行為者 , 西發利亞文化 , 國家, 國際體系 , 權力, international system , non-state actor , power , state , Westphalia system
中文摘要
國際關係研究對於國際體系的特性與本質有諸多探索，基本上各家學說多視國家為體系內最重要且具關鍵性作用的行為者，對於非國家行為者的討論固然亦未偏廢，然多集中於討論國際組織、非政府國際組織與跨國企業在國際體系內之活動與重要性。由社會建構主義的觀點出發，國家固然是建構國際社會結構的主要能動者，不過其他非國家行為者亦應具備能動性，並且在建構國際結構的過程中發生作用。不同行為者在國際結構不斷地生產與再生產國家至上的規範，形成當今國際社會獨尊國家的結構化過程。這種獨尊國家的國際文化，也就是所謂的西發利亞文化，它的建構與不斷再製的過程，規範了國際社會中不同種類行為者的社會地位與權力資源，更進而約束了所有種類行為者的行為。經由回顧國際關係研究對於國際體系行為者的討論，本文首先介紹選定國際體系行為者的爭辯，其次描述新現實主義的國家中心立場，並評論行為者單方面受結構束縛的看法。爾後從社會建構主義的二元結構化觀點出發，探素具備能動性行為者在結構中的作用，並且推演主權國家至上的西發利亞體系乃是一個國際文化。最後就社會結構的層面，勾勒國際行為者的地位差異及其意義，並檢討國際行為者間的權力差序現象。
英文摘要：
International relations have explored much the nature and characters of the international system, in which different theorists regard that state is the most important and decisive actor. Though there are numerous discussions on the non-state actors in the international system, much is put on the activities of international organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as multinational companies.The Social Constructivism outlines that the state is the primary agent which constructs the international social structure, however, we can not exclude the fact that other non-state actors are also actors with agency, who plays a role in the process of international structure construction. Different actors produce and reproduce in the international structure the international norms of state superiority. The international culture of state superiority is called the Westphalia system, whose process of constructing and reconstructing forge international actors' social status, power resources as well as the constraints upon their behavior.In this article, author first introduces the arguments on the designation of the international actors. Then the state-centric position of the neorealism is under analysis which reviews the perspectives of the behavior constrain posed unitary by the international structure on the actors. The idea of Social Constructivism about the duality of structure will be the third part which searches the on-going effect of agents in the process of constructing and reconstructing the social structure. Author concludes that Westphalia system is an international culture within which the actors' power hierarchical status is legalized and legitimated.
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