高佩珊(Pei-Shan Kao)
政治學報；53期 (06/01/2012) P29 – 45
關鍵字：爭端解決機制, 相互依賴, 美中關係, 國際建制 , 貿易爭端, Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) , interdependence , international regime , trade disputes, U.S.-China relations
中文摘要
隨著全球貿易的日趨密切與活絡，國家之間因此產生許多貿易歧見與摩擦；換言之，全球貿易不單只給國家帶來益處，它同時帶來了許多問題，使得國家必須正視以避免貿易大戰（tradewar）的發生。在美國與中國的關係裡，貿易議題之敏感程度與重要性恐怕不低於人權議題；儘管美中兩國一直保持著高度相互依賴的經貿關係，有助於雙方關係之維持熱絡。舉例而言，美國目前是中國第一大貿易夥伴和第一大出口國家；2010年，兩國雙邊貿易額為4,568 億美元；然而雙方問題產生於在過去10年裡（2001 年到2010 年），美國對中國的貿易赤字亦呈現逐年增高的趨勢，從830億美元飆升至2,731億美元。此貿易赤字成為美國與全球各國貿易往來最大之赤字，因此成為美中雙方關係往來裡最大之衝突點。換言之，儘管藉由貿易的相互往來能為國家帶來許多利益，並帶給消費者便利舒適的生活，然而貿易有時亦會為國家帶來問題並產生衝突，進而導致貿易戰爭的發生。在此情況下，若要避免貿易戰爭的發生並順利解決貿易衝突，就端視國家之間如何進行協商與談判。自中國於2001年加入世貿組織以來，美中之間雖產生多次紛歧，然並未因此產生貿易大戰。因此，本文旨在檢視世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization, WTO）對於國家之間貿易衝突解決之有效性，並藉由分析美中雙方於WTO機制下貿易爭端協商過程，進而瞭解國際建制對於國家談判之影響。由於智慧財產權爭議為美中貿易最為重要及影響深遠之議題，因此本文將以美國向世貿組織控告中國智慧財產權保護案不利一事做為個案研究（案號DS362）。為確保貿易數據與資料之正確性，本文將大量蒐集並比較美國與中國雙方提供之資料與數據，以求資料來源之正確性。
英文摘要：
Under globalisation, no country can be isolated from the world, there are more and more trade contacts among states; that is to say, sates' trade and economic relations have been highly interdependent. However, in U.S.-China relations, trade, has been considered as one of the most sensitive issue areas in addition to human rights. For instance, the United States now is China's first trading partner and largest export destination; in 2010, the bilateral trade was $456.8 billion. However, in the past ten years, namely from 2001 to 2010, the US trade deficit with China was sharply increased annually as well, except for 2009 due to the global financial crisis. The deficit grew from $83 billion in 2001 to $273.1 billion in 2010. The US trade deficit with China is the largest in the world; this certainly has brought about many trade disputes between the two. That is, although trade can generate benefits and interests to states, and a comfortable and convenient life to consumers, it can also bring many disputes to states; this sometimes will develop into an open trade war if states do not resolve problems successfully. This indicates that the resolution of disputes greatly relies on states' bargaining. Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, although there have been many disputes between the two, fortunately, trade war has not happened yet. Therefore this article aims to examine the effectiveness of the regime on states' bargaining. Since the issue of the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR) has been the most sensitive and complicated problem in U.S.-China trade relations, this article chooses their bargaining on IPR, the case number DS 362 to be the case study. By means of examining and investigating the process of their bargaining, one can clearly appreciate not just the function but also the effectiveness of the WTO regime on states' negotiation. To ensure the correctness of the related figures and statistics, the article will collect and compare data and materials from both the United States and China.
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曹海濤(Hai-Tao Tsao)
政治學報；53期 (06/01/2012) P1 – 27
關鍵字：小產權房, 地方政府, 產權模型 , 集體土地產權 , 農村集體組織 , collective ownership , local governments, minor property right houses , property rights model , rural collective organization
中文摘要
本研究以產權理論研究中國大陸的「小產權房」議題，並集中討論「小產權房」的供給者─村集體組織（即村民委員會）的關鍵角色。透過一個簡單的產權模型，我們將中國大陸轉型過程中的兩個重要的制度安排─土地產權機制和「中央－地方」財政關係，與「小產權房」的產生加以整合。本文的分析指出，「小產權房」興起的一個重要因素源於農村土地的集體所有制。政府對集體土地的控制（用途管制和強制徵收），剝奪了農民和農村集體組織參與市場交易的權利。產權的管制類似於價格控制，給集體產權的所有者造成潛在的巨額損失。這一損失的很大部分，以土地財政收入的方式被由地方政府代表的國家所攫取。然而，交易成本的存在，使國家不可能控制集體產權的所有屬性。作為理性的行為者，農村集體組織和農民能夠採取行動操縱集體土地產權的其他屬性，將損失最小化。「小產權房」正反映了中國大陸農民和農村集體組織試圖擺脫現存制度安排束縛的理性選擇。
英文摘要：
The purpose of this article is to analyze ”minor property right” houses in rural China. As the suppliers of ”minor property right” houses, the key role of rural collective organization- village committees is discussed in the article. Land property right system and central-local fiscal relations have important effects on the emergence of ”minor property right” houses in transitional China. With respect to a simple property rights model, the article integrates the two factors in order to explain the behavior of rural collective organization. Farmlands are collectively owned in rural China. The non-agricultural use and conveyance of farmlands are strictly prohibited by the state. The coercive policies of farmland expropriate rights and opportunities of peasants to participate in real estate market. The regulation of farmland property rights is equivalent to price control and would bring about rent dissipation and benefit loss to Chinese farmers. The existence of transaction costs prevents the state from controlling overall attributes of collective ownership of farmland. Therefore, collective organization, peasants, and rational individuals are all able to manipulate some attributes of collective land to minimize loss of property rights control. ”Minor property right” houses are thus the consequence of rational choice made by Chinese farmers to mitigate institutional constraints.
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吳明上(Ming-Shan Wu)
政治學報；53期 (06/01/2012) P47 – 62
關鍵字：出口調查 , 自民黨政權, 投票行為, 政權輪替 , 眾議院選舉 , Diet Election , exit poll, LDP regime , transfer of political power , voting behavior
中文摘要
本文主要是補充論述自民黨為何在2009年的眾議院選舉中再度失去政權。2009年8月的眾議院選舉結果，自民黨大敗，民主黨取代自民黨執政，「自民黨為何再度失去政權？」成為日本政治過程研究的焦點。既有的研究主要集中在二個面向：一為論述2009年政權輪替的意義；二為利用「出口調查」的統計資料，分析選民的投票行為，特別針對中間選民與自民黨支持者的投票行為，造成政權輪替的現象提出具有說服力的論述。然而，既有的研究對於自民黨「為何」失去中間選民與自民黨支持者支持的原因，並未提出充分的說明；再者，本文研究發現，自公兩黨選舉合作的鬆動也是造成自民黨再度失去政權的重要因素。
英文摘要：
The main purpose of this article is to further discuss why Japan's LDP had lost political power once again. The current analysis on LDP's failure of the 2009 Election is centered on two perspectives: one is to look for implications of party transition in t he government due to the result of the 2009 Election; the other is to employ data of exit poll focus on electorate voting behavior, in order to show that party transition in the government is a result of decreased vote from median voters and LDP supporters. However, the existing studies lack explanation to the main reasons of why the LDP was unable to maintain continual endorsement from median voters and LDP supporters. Further, this article argues that the collapse of LDP-Komeito electoral alliance is one other critical cause for the LDP to lose political power once again.
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林俊宏(Chun-Hung Lin)
政治學報；53期 (06/01/2012) P63 – 96
關鍵字：有與無, 國家建構, 復性 , 無為, 經與變, being and non-being, non-action , permanence versus changes, revivification of nature, state formation
中文摘要
本文認為，藉由注經活動中的論述，發展出支持改革的正當性論理基礎，是呂惠卿政治思想的基調。作為熙寧變法重要的成員之一，呂惠卿透過注經的活動，將他所屬政治集團的政治理念，以注文的形式進行論述，在多方交融對話的形式中，將北宋新學關於「變」的政治理解明確地揭示。他透過注經，討論了「經」與「變」的關係，呈現在「道物」、「經變」與「治理」等三個面向，三者又有彼此的關聯性。這種「變不易常」或是「變不離經」的態度，其實是混雜著復古與變易的雙重學思風格，包括在方法與思維的層次上都是如此，這種仿古、擬古的復古思維，卻又處處展現向政治現實靠近的思考，表現出一種「依經為常」與「權宜為變」的思維。進而，這批以知識份子為核心的新興官僚，也借由這種「以經注我」的學術風格，呈現其政治主張、強化自身的影響力與政治權力，形成一種與皇權共享權力、且迥異隋唐帝國的國家形態。
英文摘要：
This article deals with the internal context of philosophy of two books- ”Commentary of Dao Der Zhen Jingand” and ”Significance of Zhuang Zi” written by Lu Hui Qing (呂惠卿). The purpose of the discourse in these commentaries is to gain the legitimacy of reform by initiating or producing a metaphysical system. As an important member of the XI-Ning reform (also as one member of Xinxue in North Sung Dynasty), Lu Hui Qing, through the activity of making commentaries of the Taoist texts, declared the core political philosophy of change of the political group to which he belongs. Through the commentaries, he discussed the dialectical relationship between ”classics” and ”change.” And he made further discussions into the three domains what dwelled in the complex relations seen in ”The Way and the mass,” ”Change versus Permanence” and ”the methodology of governance.”He emphasized that changes can be normal and have the legitimacy just under the qualification by following the great rule (Tao or permanence). There won't be any variations that should alter the ultimate. And this is valid not only in the sphere of daily living, but also valid in the sphere of governing. In turn, these intellectuals as the core of the emerging bureaucratic, through this ”scriptures postil the commentators” style, revealed their political ideas, strengthened their influence and shared power with the emperor. And all of these had formed a different type of state comparing with that of Sui-Tang Empire.
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