新制度論的困境與挑戰

As China's society is showing signs of civil autonomy and defiance, scholars wonder whether the legislatures, once a ＂rubber stamp,＂ are gaining a new life by becoming more autonomous vis-a-vis the resilient party-state. Employing a new operational definition of institutionalization by supplementing the concepts borrowed from existing literature in China's National People's Congress (NPC), this article tries to analyze the institutional developments of the permanent committees in the NPC. The findings suggest that the NPC committees have indeed made great headway on the issue of ＂complexity＂ and even included some ＂universal criteria＂ in their rules, but problems with the ＂boundness＂ still linger. In the area of ＂complexity,＂ the growth of committees in both size and numbers, recruitment of younger but better educated members, the emergence of seniority system in the selection of leadership and the rising trend towards specialization, have all contributed to building up capacity of the institution. While the function of law-drafting has been declining, committees have been granted more powers in the deliberation process, and hence more regularization. On the other hand, about 80% of committee members still retain CCP membership. More NPC Standing Committee members are serving in permanent committees than before, while shortened time served by committee members have added additional challenges to the consolidation of ＂boundness.＂ In conclusion, the article substantiates the logic of ＂authoritarian resilience＂ by pointing out that although more specialization is obviously discernible in the NPC committees, autonomy remains weak.

陳嫈郁(René Ying-Yu Chen)

政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P1 – 36

關鍵字：新制度論 , 理念變因 , 社會學制度論 , 歷史制度論, 理性選擇制度論, new institutionalism , ideational variable , sociological institutionalism, historical institutionalism, rational institutionalism

中文摘要

1998年美國學者Hall & Taylor與英國學者Hay & Wincott一場聚焦在三種新制度論差異的對話，開啟了學術界對制度研究「理念變因」作用與變遷動力來源的爭辯。此一波對話，藉由探討制度變遷的動力根源，試圖重新將微觀的行為者理念變項帶回制度研究。他們認為三種新制度論最大的困境在於過度強調均衡與結構作用，缺乏對於變遷動力來源的解釋，同時也忽略對制度中「行為者」角色的關照。從此，新制度論興起一股內部的更張趨勢，試圖矯正上述的缺失。本文先透過援引「系譜學」對於知識／權力的分析方法與概念從「理論後設與制度性質」、制度過程與結果「對結構與行為者的基本定義與假設」、「方法論取向的選擇、實證推論基礎」以及「理論發展的挑戰與最新議題」四個面向來解構「新制度論」內各學派，分析新制度論各學派所面臨的理論困境與限制。最後，討論近年來政治科學界新興起的「理念轉向」與「建構轉向」等趨勢，對新制度論各學派的啟發與探討可行的途徑。本文建議釐清制度分析層次與將「理念變因」進行更概念化的處理，將可能發展出得以進行驗證「理念變因」對制度的結果具有因果影響力的方法，拓展理論的深度與廣度。然而，本文亦認為「理念轉向」並非顛覆原來三種新制度論的論述，而應是一種理論的更張。

英文摘要：

In 1998, Hall & Taylor and Hay & Wincott initiated a debate on three new institutionalism, and provoked furthering arguments about the role of ideas in institutionalism and the resources of institutional change and dynamic. By exploring the resource of institutional change, micro-level and agent-based ideas are brought back into the studies of new institutionalism. Until 2000, across the political science, ideas are increasingly recognized as major factors in politics. There is also a radical movement on interdisciplinary methodology in political science which confidently claims the epoch of ＂ideational turn＂ and ＂constructivist turn＂ is coming. However, this paper argues this interdisciplinary ideational turn actually is which borrows concepts from constructivism in sociology, cognitive and social psychology. In so doing, the substantial structuralism and materialism in new institutionalism might be remedied by bringing the micro-level agency and ideas back into new institutionalism. For investigating and clarifying points mentioned above, this paper will be evolved into six sections. The first section lays conceptual foundation by defining an ideational turn in political science and distinguishing it from alternative logic of explanation. The second section provides a brief historical profile of new institutionalism in political science. The third to the fifth sections, in light of Foucault’s genealogy of knowledge, this paper anatomizes and deconstructs three new institutionalism by delving into their theoretical origins, assumptions, methodology, comments and pitfalls. The final section suggests the ideational and constructivist turn in new institutionalism will show a series of hybrid position and proliferation of inter-paradigm and inter-discipline debates within contemporary political science. However, it will not overwhelmingly turn the original new institutionalism down. The central role ideas play in shaping political outcomes have been acknowledged, nonetheless, the operationalization and verification of ideas need further valid references and evidential commitments.

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民眾政黨認同、媒介選擇與紅衫軍政治運動參與

Party Identification, Media Choice, and Popular Participation in Red-Shirts Political Movement

劉嘉薇(Jia-Wei Liu)

政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P101 – 126

關鍵字：政黨認同 , 媒介選擇 , 資訊 , 政治參與 , 紅衫軍 , party identification , media choice , information, political participation , Red-Shirts political movement

中文摘要

紅衫軍反貪腐倒扁運動是臺灣近年來最大規模的政治運動，在過程中，百萬人走上街頭，民眾的政黨認同以及媒介選擇代表了民眾的政治認同以及政治資訊來源，兩者對參與政治運動有何影響是本文關注的焦點。研究發現，不論是民眾的政黨認同或媒介選擇，對於促成參與反貪腐倒扁運動皆有推波助瀾的效果，因此政治認同與政治資訊對於政治運動的參與缺一不可，也說明政治行動是政治資訊與政治預存傾向的結合。整體而言，臺灣民眾政黨認同為政治態度中重要的分歧，也幾乎劃定了位於不同政治光譜的民眾是否參與倒扁運動。然僅以政黨認同解釋對此運動的參與仍不足，傳播媒介促成的動員力道亦不可忽視。媒介對議題的討論提升民眾的政治知識，匯集公眾的意見，活絡了政治參與，成為政治動員重要的基礎。對於紅衫軍運動倡導者而言，媒介為其發聲管道，增加民眾對議題的關心，創造了運動的集體意識，聯結分散各處的個人，成為政治運動過程中的催化劑。

英文摘要：

The anti-corruption and Depose-Chen movement initiated by the Red-Shirts is the largest political movement in recent Taiwan. In process, party identification and media choice represent people's political identification and information sources. The main concern of this paper is how they impact the participation of this political movement. Studies indicate that party identification and media choice make an enhanced effect and push people to join the demonstration. Therefore, both political identification and information are indispensable on participation in political movements, and it also shows that political movements are a function of political information and political predispositions. In general, political attitudes of people in Taiwan are greatly shaped by their party identification, and party identification significantly determines how people of different political orientations understood the Depose-Chen movement and their participation in the movement. But it is not enough to use only party identification to explain if it affects people's participation in this movement. It cannot be neglected to observe the power of media in forcing the mobilization. Discussions of media on public issues enhance people's political knowledge, gather public opinions, activate political participation, and become the vital foundation of political mobilization. To the advocates of the Red-Shirts movement, media is their voice channel that would increase people's concerns for issues, create group consciousness, and connect individuals anywhere to become a catalyzer during the movement mobilization.

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歐債危機之新自由主義根源

The Neoliberal Root Cause of European Debt Crisis

盧倩儀(Chien-Yi Lu)

政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P37 – 71

關鍵字：經濟暨貨幣聯盟, 歐債危機 , 建構主義, 新自由主義, 凱因斯, EMU , European debt crisis , constructivism, neoliberalism , Keynesian

中文摘要

希臘毫無節制的財政支出、西班牙愛爾蘭的房市泡沫、義大利的巨額國債……這些是歐債危機的「近因」還是「症狀」？在並非最佳貨幣區域的歐元區建立單一貨幣、創立沒有財政聯盟支撐的貨幣聯盟、設計出只問通貨膨脹率不問經濟景氣循環的歐洲中央銀行……這一切是歐債危機的「遠因」還是「症狀」？本文以新自由主義思潮之興起解釋1980年代歐洲整合之再出發、隨之而來的歐洲單一貨幣之建立、歐洲央行以及貨幣聯盟之瑕疵設計、以及今日之歐債危機。一旦正視當時政治精英共享之新自由主義因果關係認知之全面影響，便會發現歐債危機的種子可遠溯至1980年代初。而希臘、西班牙、愛爾蘭等國近年經濟表現，甚至1990年代拍板定案的歐洲貨幣聯盟，皆只是遲早會發生的危機症狀而非原因。新自由主義不只造成歐債危機的發生，亦嚴重侵蝕了所謂的歐洲社會模式之根基。社會福利原本不以市場利潤為前提亦不以市場邏輯為依歸，如今卻依附在市場之下，社會保護資源反被拿來保護強者，弱者卻成了風險承擔者。若以本研究之發現對區域整合理論中之自由派政府間主義、新功能主義、以及社會建構主義之解釋能力進行比較，則強調知識社群共享之觀念想法的社會建構主義最能深入核心地解釋歐洲貨幣聯盟從萌芽到今日深陷危機之歷史發展軌跡；而強調各國利益與談判本錢的自由派政府間主義則僅提供了表淺觀察。

英文摘要：

Are the Greek profligacy, the Spanish and Irish housing bubble, and Italy's runaway debt the immediate causes or symptoms of the European debt crisis? Is the construction of the Euro area in a non-optimum currency area, the establishment of the monetary union in the absence of a fiscal union, and the design of the European Central Bank with the sole task of preventing inflation the indirect causes or symptoms of the European debt crisis? This article argues that the root cause of the European debt crisis lies in the spread of neoliberal ideology among political elites and intellectuals that occurred in the 1980s. The shared neoliberal ideas contributed to the re-launch of the European project in the 1980s, the single European currency that followed suit, the flawed-design of the ECB and the monetary union, and hence the crisis the EU is faced with today. Once the far-reaching impact of the neoliberal causal beliefs is put into perspective, it becomes clear that phenomena such as the Greek profligacy, the Spanish and Irish housing bubble, and the flawed-design of the monetary union are symptoms rather than causes of the crisis foreseen by many. The neoliberal ideology has not only caused the crisis but has severely eroded the foundation of the so-called European social model. In the pre-neoliberal era, the welfare state did not subordinate to the logic of market. In the neoliberal era, social resources are easily allocated on protecting the rich and the strong, with risks shouldered by the more disadvantaged in the society. The findings of this article show that among the mainstream integration theories, social constructivism, which stresses the importance of epistemic community and shared ideas, can provide the most in-depth explanation for the trajectory that the EU took leading up to the debt crisis. In contrast, liberal intergovernmentalism, which emphasizes national interests and negotiation power, can provide only superficial observations.

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政黨結構與決策機制：比較日本自民黨與民主黨在決策過程的權力轉移

Party Structure and Decision-Making Mechanism: The Impact of Power Transition from the LDP to the DPJ in Japan's Decision-Making Processes

鄭子真(Tzu-Chen Cheng)

政治學報；58期 (12/01/2014) P73 – 100

關鍵字：派閥政治, 族議員 , 政策調查會, 國會對策委員會, 日本政治 , habatsu politics , zokugiin, policy research committee , parliament strategy committee, Japanese politics

中文摘要

戰後日本政治的顯著特色為自民黨長期執政和與自民黨內部的派閥政治。在自民黨的主導之下，派閥政治不僅影響自民黨黨內的決策過程，也影響政府的資源分配。伴隨社會分工化與利益的專業化，自民黨的長期執政造就族議員現象，其專注並在特定政策領域上具有專業知識。除了這些非正式的權力結構，自民黨的決策過程主要掌控在政策調查會和國會對策委員會，其分別負責黨內協議和對外協商。在2009年政黨輪替之後，民主黨訴諸體制改革和政治主導，環境變化導致政黨協商在決策過程中日益重要。因此，本文旨在檢視政治環境的變遷是否影響政策調查會和國會對策委員會在決策過程中的重要角色。

英文摘要：

The most prominent characteristics of Japanese politics after World War II are the long rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and factional politics within the LDP. Under the dominance of the LDP, factional politics had affected not only decision-making processes within the LDP but also the distribution of public resources through the government. With the social division of labor and benefits of specialization, the long-ruling LDP had also given rise to the phenomenon of Zokugiin, in that the so-called tribal Dietmen specialized, and claimed expertise, in specific policy areas in the decision-making processes. In addition to these informal power structures, the decision-making processes of the LDP had been controlled mainly by the Policy Research Committee (PRC), and the Parliament Strategy Committee (PSC), which were respectively responsible for internal and external negotiations. After the power transfer in 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) began to implement its agenda of political structural reform that emphasized the importance of initiatives launched directly by politicians. In other words, inter-party negotiations have become more important than before. This paper aims to examine whether the change of the Japanese political context has influenced the critical role of PRC and PSC in the political decision-making processes.

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