古登美
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P337-376
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中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
To protect human rights and to keep administrativeme asure in accordance with the law,systems of"administra-tive jurisdiction are set up by aIl democratic governments.
With this understanding, the paper will discuss thefollowing aspects of administrative jurisdiction:(1) the rule of law in the modern state(2) the establishment and development of the system of administrative jurisdiction（3）limitations of administrative jurisdiction（4） the function of adminstrative jurisdiction and due procedure in administrative law
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雷飛龍、陳義彥、丁庭宇、李蓓蒂、盛杏湲
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P61-121
中文摘要
本研究以七十二年區域立委選舉為分析對象，期望透過台灣地區三三0個市城鄉鎮區的人文區位資料進行整體分析，探討決定執政黨得票率高低的區域因素。
基本上，本研究假定執政黨至爭取社會中，以追求安定為主要目標的力量，作為贏取選票的策略。由此一基本假定而建設研究分析的理論模型，並進一步做多變數迴歸分析的統計驗證。
研究結果中，除新生代選民壓力不據統計上的顯著性外，其餘各變數都符合本研究之假定。亦即外省籍與客家籍、家族力量、農林漁牧業人口、教育水準等五個變數，與國民黨得票率之間存在正方向的關係，而與都會中心溝通程度、新生代選民壓力，及候選人競爭程度等三個變數，與國民黨得票率之間則為負方向的關係。
英文摘要：
This study focuses on the issues of voting behaviors in 1983 Taiwan to obtain ecological determinants of Kuomintang votes.
In general, we hypothesize that the ruling party’s strategy in election is to promote conservative votes from those who consider the stability of the society as their major part of their political value. Based on this general hypothesis, we formulate political value. Based on this general hypothesis, we formulate a theoretical model in order to conduct a multivariate regression analysis with data collected from government publications.
The results indicate that except the factor of Young Cohort Pressure which is not statistically significant, the other variables included in the model all support the hypotheses derived from our primary hypothesis presented above. In other words, factors such as Percent of Mainlanders, Percent of Hakkas, Percent of Agricultural Empolyment, and Percent of High school attandants and Above are positively associated with the dependent variable measured by percent votes won by Kuomintang party candidates. In addition to these findings, variables like Level of communication with Urban Centers, Young Cohort Pressure, and Level of Competition Among Candidates show negative influence on the level of votes won by the ruling party.
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柯三吉
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P377-408
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中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
This paper attempts to review and critize an importantproposition of dependency theory.That is,recruiting advanc-ed technology from transnational corporations (TNCs) ofdeveloped countries will cause technology dependence in less-developed coUntries (LDCs)﹒Firstly,we present Frank'sdevelopment of underdevelopment theory and Galtung'sstructural theory of imperialism for understanding basic frame-work of dependency theory.Then,Dos Santos'new depen-dency, Sunkel & Fuenzalida's transnational capitalism,andEvans'dependent development are reviewed to confirm theabove proposition.In the second section，we explain how doesTMCs'manipulating channels of technoIogy transfer to prompttechnology dependence in LDCs.Thirdly,statist model andsome international control systems are reviewed to criticizedependency theory overemphasizing on external factors forcausing technology dependence in LDCs. But finally,this paper concludes that TNCs are still important force in interna-tional poIitical-economic system.Leaders in LDCs still shouldpay much attention to negative effects which possibly caused by TNCs-led development strategies.
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李國雄
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P409-431
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中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
The bitter experience of long periods of colonial rule,along with the pluralistic diversity of social structure,has beenthe major cause contributing to the inability of the newnations in this area to develop a sense of regionalism.Through-out years of intra-regional conflict.and extra-regional threatfrom communism, owever,the nations of Southeast Asiahave developed the consciousness of interdependence and inter-related destinies, awarness of the need to orchestrate policiesdesigned to secue common goals and the will to pursue them.As a result of this awarness, ASEAN was established in August1967 amid the'threat of disadvantageous economic competi-tion form EEC,and the uncertainty of the security safeguardfrom the western military presence in the region.
From its inception,ASEAN has been served as a frame-work to promote the mutual cooperation on economic,cultural,and political sectors﹒The main theme of this paper isto underscore the argument that the adoption of functionalapproach within the ASEAN institution is the contributingfactor leading to its growth and the creation of consensusamong the political elites in the region.Despite of its limitedsuccess,however,the ASEAN still face servere challenge in the foreseeable"future in terms ofitsgoals of economic integr-tion，trade liberalization,and the institutionalization of the
community consciousness among the peoples of its member countries.
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胡佛、游盈隆
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P1-59
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中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
The major attempt of the author in this study was trying to construct an empirical theory concerning the partisan choices of voters through an observation to their attitudes and backgrounds of a sample of 754 voters of Taipei in the 1980 legislatorial election. According to their conceptual framework, the authors divided the voters’attitudes into orientations of issue, candidate, and social and personal relations. And the voters’backgrounds were divided into the individual and the the social, including sex, age, birthplace, education, and profession. The main findings of the authors can be briefly stated as follows:
1. In view of orientations of issue, the voters for the Nationalist candidates and those for the independent candidates were significantly different in such issues of national idendity, basic human rights, political participation, and separation of powers. These findings indicted that the political conflicts of ours were, in nature, of the system rather than within the system as usually seen in the Western democratical countries.
2. With respect to orientations of candidate, and social and personal relations, the voters for the Nationalist candidtes put more emphasis on personal virtues and those for the suffers, more praise to brave criticisms, and more attention to ideas of family members.
3.As for the voters’backgrounds, the independent candidates won more support from Taiwanese than mainlanders, but the nationalist candidates got rather even. In addition, the voters for the Nationalist candidates were cpmparatively high educated, belong to the middle class, but older.
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林嘉誠
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P123-188
中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
Elections are at the heart of the political system, according to conventional wisdom, elections have several purposes. By allowing people to choose their leaders and to vote on public policies. They mandate public officials to carry out certain policies. And since political leaders serve at the pleasure of people, elections also provide the means for rewarding good conduct and punishing bad. Although elections do not always fit these ideals, they are nevertheless the most important form of mass political participation in a democracy. Because elections are perceived to be important in the functioning of demorcracy and because so many people vote in them, the motivates of the voters is one of the most prodigiously studied subjects in political science. This paper tried to figure out why citizen vote for one man over author.
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孫廣德
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P191-291
中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
Kung-Chl-Chien s Political Thnought was an official scholar of Ching Dynasty.He was born in l793,about fifty years before the Opium War,and died at the age 5O in 1842,two years after the OpiumWar. Kung's political thought was roughly belong to Kung-Yang School.So that the most important point of his politicalthought was Pien-Fa.So he edvocated to reform the practicalpolitics in many aspects.In addition to Pien-Fa,Kung hadmany other opinions about politics,such as how to nurish thepeople,exercise the ruling power,control the officers,rule theborderland,and.dispose of the foreign people and the foreignoffairs﹒Though these problems were not all necessarily intro-duced directly form the thought of Kung-Yang School,butroughly corresponded with the Kung-Yang spirit.One pointwe have to mention especially is that Kunged edvocated to learnthe western technics about twenty years before the Self-Strengthen movement,so he was a man of real foresight﹒
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任德厚
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P293-309
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中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
This is a paper analyzing the concept "conversion" asit has been used in comparative politics.It is discovered that"conversion"as the key concept linking the input side and theoutput side has actually been used at three different levels.
The paper attempts to grasp the essence of this termby applying it to various kinds of political system.The authorsuggests that both Easton and Powell have not been complete-ly successful in their efforts to explain what"conversion" isall about﹒
This paper concludes by comparing political system andstate-society as the guiding framework for conducting com-parative political research, and suggesting that these twoframework could be integrated in certain meaningful manners.
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段重祺
政治學報；12期 (12/01/1984) P311-335
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中文摘要
本文無中文摘要
英文摘要：
ln this paper， process evaluation is stressed because itanalyzes policy activities in the detail necessary for determin-ing how to make improvements．
Policy effectiveness is contingenton the manner in whicha policy is formulated.The policy outcome is determined bythe nature of the project, the organization(s) concerned andthe target group at which the policy is aimed.The choice ofstrategies must be made with regard for how policy develop-ment is to take place, how provincial and local actions mayaffect the problem,and what operational feasibility may beexpected﹒
Every organization mjst accomplish four tasks: (l)secureinputs in the form of capital sufficient to establih itselfoperate，and expand as the need arises;(2)secure acceptancein the of basic legitimization of activity;(3）marshall the
necessary skills;and(4)coordinate the activities of its members,and the relations of the organization with other organizations and with clients or consumers．
The Mailiao Project succeeded in determining the most effecient uses for Mailiao's soils. By acquiring greater knowledge and skill,the farmers could better understand the various alternative soluations to their probIems.Loans were supplied on a non-discriminatory basic, and land was redistri-
buted.The Mailiao Project promoted greater equality,accelerated growth，and provided a better life fort the farmers，The Linkou Project was tecnically incompetent.Given the limited financial and managerial capacity of the LinkouDevelopment Authority (LDA) the economic and adminihshtrative feasibility of executing the Linkou Project was question-ed. In regard to administratiqn,the LDA was not able to.coordinate the many agencies and activities involved,Thepeople of Linkou neither understood nor supported the"Linkou Project.The benefits which development would bringto the loclity were not advertised.In the absence of informa-tion,the local people feared the worst.Uncertainty over landacqqisition led to intense anxiety on theL Linkkou plateau.
Without elementary knowledge of the Project in the people"affected,the objectives of the Linkou Project were frustrated and the daily task of administration was immensely complicated﹒
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